Charedim Don’t Fear Their Children Will Die In War, They Fear They’ll Live As Non-Charedim

JERUSALEM (VINnews) — Professor Yuval Albashan is the dean of the Ono Academic College’s Law department, and has been responsible for the integration of thousands of charedim into academia. A secular writer and social activist, Albashan has received several prizes for his work in strengthening Israeli society. In the following article, he discusses the possibility of charedi integration into the IDF and rejects the assumption that they fear that their children will die in combat.

There is no more urgent or important national task than integrating the charedim into the IDF. It is morally right and a security necessity. For this to happen, not only must the charedim change, but so must the IDF—and all of us. That’s the truth. I write this based on decades of experience integrating charedim into Israel’s legal and academic systems.

It took me a long time to reconcile the dissonance between those who chose to live a life of arduous religious observance for the sake of the continued existence of the Jewish people, and their refusal to take part in the holiest duty of all—without which, in my view, the Jewish people will not survive.

At first, I resolved this conflict simply by doubting the sincerity of the charedim. I assumed that “they” didn’t really believe in “This is the Torah: a man who dies in a tent” (Numbers 19:14)—but rather found comfort hiding in that tent to avoid fulfilling obligations that apply to all of us.

Over time, I came to understand my mistake—that there truly is no conflict. The charedim genuinely believe that a life not lived according to their way is worse than death. That is why they refuse to send their sons to the army—not because they fear they might die in combat (like our children), but because they fear that if they survive, they might live like our children—as non-charedim.

And just as we would refuse to send our children into battle without a protective vest for their bodies, they refuse to send their sons to the army without an “ideological vest” to protect their souls.

This is exactly why the “Hashmonaim Brigade” was established.

IDF Human Resources Chief, Major General Yaniv Asor, managed to secure the tacit approval of many rabbis by committing that the army will ensure that “a charedi who enters—leaves as a charedi.” Therefore, there are no non-charedim in the brigade—not women, not secular Jews, not national-religious Jews. In the initial phase, only due to necessity, national-religious commanders are included, tasked with training the first generation of  charedi fighters—while also obligated not to bring Rabbi Kook’s ideology into the brigade. Symbolically and practically alike, even the phones used must be kosher.

The “ideological vest” is further reinforced through the brigade’s reserve battalion, made up of former combat soldiers who now lead charedi lifestyles. They serve as role models and help maintain religious norms. These are just a few examples of the IDF’s tremendous efforts, giving a real chance for the charedi mainstream to enlist—not just those who left or were expelled from it (as in other combat units).

But even at this early stage, there are those trying to sabotage the effort. For example, when it was revealed that a few wives of soldiers were recruited to support other fighters’ families, the “equality” purists cried out again, asking why this benefit wasn’t extended to all military spouses.

They ignored the fact that these are  charedi families, which at this stage of integration lack civilian support systems and cannot be aided by typical female welfare officers  due to cultural barriers. For them, it didn’t matter. The main point, in their view, was another “proof” that the  charedim get “something different,” and based on that, came a renewed demand to cancel it—supposedly in the name of “equality.”

I wouldn’t raise this if it weren’t for the fact that this is the same strategy used by those who tried (and to a large extent succeeded) to kill the idea of charedi academia. That initiative aimed to let charedi men and women gain academic education in separate, private institutions suited to their way of life—so they could later join the general workforce.

Small but highly influential and irresponsible interest groups imposed various guidelines (such as banning gender-separate days in university libraries in those private institutions), leading to a drop in charedi academic participation. Most of those remaining are not from the mainstream  charedi community. The price is paid not only by charedi men and women, who are forced to remain in isolated job markets with limited prospects—but by Israeli society as a whole, which needs them.

We must not allow these forces to act similarly when it comes to military service.
The charedim will shoulder the stretcher of military service only when that stretcher is separate and tailored to their shoulders. If the excellent people at the Hashmonaim Base are allowed to continue their work without interference, it might just happen—and then, even if on separate stretchers, all will march together as “the vanguard before your brethren, all the warriors” (Deuteronomy 3:18).